In 2017, the INTACH Lucknow Chapter conducted a comprehensive study on the intangible heritage of Lucknow. The study explored various aspects, including costumes, cuisines, rituals, traditions, local festivals, dance, music, arts and crafts, vanishing skills, and the social fabric and communities of Lucknow.

Awadh has always been one of the wealthiest regions in India, both in terms of wealth and culture. It was the cradle of Indian civilization, the target of numerous invasions, and a melting pot of various regions and peoples. Awadh boasts a fascinating history. Around 800 B.C.E., the Aryans migrated to the Gangetic plains in search of fertile land. By the late Vedic period, mahajanapadas began to form, with Ayodhya serving as the capital of the Kosala mahajanapada. The great Indian epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata originated in this region.

In 1580, during Emperor Akbar’s reign, Ayodhya was combined with its neighbouring cities and became one of the twelve subas (provinces). It became known as Awadh. The title of Nawab immediately comes to mind when one thinks of Awadh. The first individual to receive this honorific title was Sadat Khan, also known as ‘Burhan-ul-Mulk,’ the Subedar of the region. After him, the title of ‘Nawab’ was passed down hereditarily rather than being bestowed by the Mughal rulers.

Lucknow became the capital when Asaf-ud-Daula, the fourth nawab, moved the capital from Faizabad to Lucknow. This period was marked by opulence and a unique cultural synthesis known as ‘dhoop-chhaiyan.’ During this time, art forms like Kathak, thumri, khayal, dadra, ghazals, and sher-o-shairi emerged. Hinduism and Islam beautifully converged, with Hindus adopting elements of Islam (for example, a Muslim crescent adorns the top of a Hanuman temple in Aliganj) and Muslims celebrating Hindu festivals (for instance, Orthodox Muslim women celebrated Navratri). This mutual respect was referred to as the ‘Ganga-Jamuna tehzeeb.’ 

With the arrival of the British, the power of the Nawabs diminished, although they largely maintained their lavish lifestyles. Itr, or perfumed oil, was highly valued, and the palaces were scented with it. It was also during the Nawabi period that the popularity of paan peaked. The hukkah became refined upon reaching the Awadh court, and Wajid Ali Shah’s favourite hukkah was made of pink hand-blown glass.

The language underwent some changes. Awadhi, as it was spoken during the time of Tulsidas, was initially influenced by Farsi or Persian, which was later replaced by Urdu.

Unfortunately, many beautiful materials and skills from the Awadhi era have now been lost. Fine muslins and Tanda jamdanis have disappeared, while the Banaras brocade made with real zari has become very expensive, and kinkwab brocades are now hard to find. Skills that were once patronized, such as chatta-patti ka kaam and daraz ka kaam, have been lost over the centuries. Additionally, the popularity of crochet lace and smocking, which were introduced during the British period, has also lost popularity.

Some costumes have thankfully survived. Traditional Khadi continues to thrive, and silk-based textiles such as chiffon, georgette, and net are still widely used. While block printing is not as booming an industry as it once was, it remains popular in Lucknow. Indian designers are becoming aware of the risks faced by Lucknow’s textiles and have made efforts to incorporate chikankari, zardozi, and kamdani into their collections. During the Nawabi period, the Rumal held significant importance; it measured 110 cm × 110 cm and was made of muslin. In the summer, it was embroidered with chikan work, while in winter, Jamavar was used.

The city known for its ‘Nawabs and kebabs’ truly lives up to its name. In fact, the introduction of kebabs to India is attributed to the first Nawab of Awadh, Saadat Ali Khan. Culinary historians refer to the period during Nawab Asad ud Daula’s reign as the “Renaissance of cuisine.” It was during this time that dishes such as parind puri, patili kebab, moti pulao, and arvi ka salan were created. The Nawab was reportedly so fond of kebabs that he employed specialized rakabdars to invent a new dish every day.

In comparison to Mughal cuisine, Laknawi cuisine is milder and features smoother textures. The famous galawati kebab is believed to have originated because the Nawab, being a couch potato, had lost his dentures by that time. Consequently, a kebab was created with a paste-like consistency. The Tunde Kebab is named after its one-armed creator, referred to as ‘Tunde.’ Hajid Murad Ali perfected this recipe, which was subsequently named Tunde ke kebab in his honor. His son opened a shop at the old chowk in Lucknow in 1905 called Tunde Kebabi, which has been selling some of the best kebabs for generations, including the Galawati-inspired Kakori kebab. The INTACH Gwalior Chapter has successfully documented many Awadhi recipes and compiled a list of restaurants in Lucknow along with their specialties in its study.

Since the first Nawab of Awadh was a Shia, the Shia Nawabs of Lucknow observed Muharram with great splendour, organizing grand processions through the streets and setting up sabils to offer sherbet and drinking water to passersby. Even today, Muharram holds great significance in the city. The grand Shahi Zari procession starts from Bara Imambara on the 1st of Muharram. The silver staffs and Alams used in the procession have been in use since the time of the Nawabs. Majlises and Jiloos are held, and the ‘Aag ka Matam’ takes place in the compounds of Bada Imambara and Shah Najaf Imambara, witnessed by thousands of mourners and non-Muslim spectators. During Muharram, Lucknow is filled with drenched in a sea of grief but it also fosters a sense of community and belonging. Other festivals and fairs include Bada Mangal (a festival dedicated to Lord Hanuman), Ganga Snan Mela, Chandrika Devi ka Mela, Aathon ka Mela, Buddeshwar ka Mela, and Uttarayni Mela.

Lucknow is also home to unique traditions such as dastangoi, a form of storytelling, Ram Leelas, Qawwalis, bird fights, cock fights, patang bazi (kite flying), bait bazi (a poetry game), and traditional body tattooing known as Godna.

The last part of the project explores social fabric and communities of Lucknow. The Dhobi community includes both Hindu Dhobis, who identify as Rajak, and Muslim Dhobis, who belong to the Sheikh Muslim order. While many still practice their traditional occupation of washing clothes, others have moved into sectors such as private and government jobs, wage labor, agriculture, and white-collar employment. Other communities include the Kalwar, traditionally involved in the production and sale of country liquor; the Bhar, followers of the Shaiva panth; the Bhumar, traditionally landowners and agriculturists; the Chamar, historically leather-workers; and the Dhuniya, a caste of cotton carders. These are just a few examples of the diverse communities that reside in the city of Lucknow.

The project on the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) of the Apatani Tribe aimed to document specific aspects of ICH in the Apatani tribe in Arunachal Pradesh, following the guidelines of UNESCO’s 2003 Convention on ICH. Conducted between 2015 and 2017, the project was led by Dr. Bina Gandhi Deori, Assistant Professor in the Department of Ancient History, Culture, and Archaeology at Visva Bharati, Santiniketan, and was submitted to the INTACH Delhi Chapter.

Arunachal Pradesh, the north-eastern most state of India, remains largely unexplored due to its remote location, challenging mountainous terrain, and difficult-to-access topography. Additionally, globalization has negatively impacted the region’s indigenous cultures. The Apatani tribe, for example, lacks a written script, so their traditions are passed down orally, and much of their material culture, made primarily of bamboo and wood, is perishable. The project’s focus on Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) includes documenting the Apatanis’ oral traditions and expressions, performing arts, social practices, rituals, festive events, and traditional craftsmanship of the Apatanis in the Lower Subansiri district.

The project utilized both primary and secondary sources. Primary data was gathered through site visits, surveys, interviews, photographic documentation, museum visits, and scheduled observations, while secondary data was obtained from official records, published books, research papers, journals, and online references.

The tribe is commonly known as the Apatani, although they refer to themselves as Tanii. Colonial records mention them as ‘ApaTanang.’ In fact, they were one of the first tribes in Arunachal Pradesh to have contact with the British in the mid-20th century. Ethnographers Christoph von Haimendorf and Ursula Graham Bower, who studied them in the 1940s, were greatly impressed by their peaceful existence and well-organized social life.

According to the 2011 census, the Apatani population stands at 29,546, residing in 35 villages, seven of which are considered older than the others. Like other Tani tribes, they trace their lineage to the legendary ancestor Abo-Tani. Traditionally, they worship Danyi-Piilo, the Sun and the Moon. However, over the years, many Apatanis have converted to Christianity due to various factors.

The Apatanis possess a rich oral tradition, including forms like Miji-Migun and Busi-Ayu, which cover rites, rituals, historical narratives, and even texts for recreation. Unfortunately, the Apatani language, Tanii Agun, is gradually disappearing from usage. In 2009, UNESCO classified it as a ‘definitely endangered’ language in its Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger.

One of the reasons for the decline of the Apatani language is the rise of English-medium convent schools in Arunachal Pradesh, which promote communication in English while discouraging the use of indigenous languages. Hindi has also emerged as the lingua franca across the state. 

Fortunately, many Apatanis are recognizing this issue and are encouraging the use of the Apatani language at home. NGOs like the Popi Sarmiñ Society are dedicated to preserving Apatani culture by publishing a bilingual quarterly journal, ‘Popiriscope,’ in both English and the Apatani language, focusing primarily on Apatani culture.

For the Apatanis, festivals serve as important social bonding events among families, clans, and villages. The major festivals they celebrate are Muruñ, Myoko, Dree and Yapung. The study highlights that, since their economy is largely based on agriculture and livestock breeding, the festivals are intended to ensure: (i) protection of crops from pests and a bountiful harvest, (ii) the health of their livestock, and (iii) prosperity and well-being of all clansmen. The shaman plays a key role in performing many festival rituals and acts as a healer. It is believed that the spirits communicate with the shaman through the medium of eggs and chicken liver. However, modernity, economic challenges, and the spread of Christianity have led to a steady decline in the shaman’s role.

Food and feasting are also key elements of Apatani festivals. Apatani cuisine is primarily plant-based, incorporating bamboo shoots and fermented soybeans, similar to much of the Northeast. Two notable dishes are Pikey Pila, a traditional spicy dish, and Tapyo, a locally made Apatani salt, which is believed to naturally help treat goitre.

Traditional dances such as Daminda and Pakhu Ittu are commonly performed during many of their festivals. The Apatanis also use various unique musical instruments, including the Elu, Tajor, and Gangu. The Apatanis have a highly developed indigenous farming system based on wet cultivation. Their integrated paddy-cum-fish farming method is well-known in other parts of Southeast Asia, including China, Japan, Indonesia, Vietnam, and Malaysia.

The study highlights the traditional medicinal practices of the Apatanis, noting that they utilize over 158 plant species. It emphasizes the need for prompt documentation and conservation of these traditional medicinal plants to enhance the potential of herbal medicine. The study also provides a list of various herbs, detailing their botanical names, local names, and uses.

Like many other indigenous communities, the Apatanis have a unique tattooing tradition that is now fading into obscurity. In the past, tattooing was more of a social obligation than a personal choice, serving as a marker of belonging to the Apatani tribe. Women traditionally sport a long line of tattoos from their forehead to the tip of their nose, along with five smaller straight lines on their chin known as Tüpè. Men typically have a small ‘T’-shaped tattoo on their chins. The ink used for these tattoos is made from a mixture of pig’s fat and soot from the fireplace. To enhance their beauty, women wear large cane plugs in their noses called Yapiñ Hulo and ear plugs known as Yaru Hukho.

Similar to the tattooing tradition, their textile traditions have also struggled to survive due to modern influences. The study highlights the importance of preserving their intangible culture amid the overwhelming effects of globalization and suggests measures that can be implemented to safeguard and revitalize Apatani culture.

The Tribal Fund for Documentation and Conservation launched a project in 2016 to document the intangible heritage of the Kannaura tribe in Himachal Pradesh and was submitted to the INTACH Delhi Chapter. 

The Kannaura tribe resides in the northeastern district of Kinnaur in Himachal Pradesh, which shares its eastern border with Tibet. This district is often called the ‘land of the gods.’ The Kinner Kailash Mountain, believed to be the winter residence of Lord Shiva, is located here and holds sacred significance for the community. Due to their mountainous environment, the Kannaura people remained largely isolated for many years, and the terrain remains challenging to navigate. While infrastructural projects like the Nathpa-Jhakri Dam have been initiated to promote development, they have negatively impacted the locals by depleting natural resources. Until 1962, the Kannaura were largely dependent on Tibet for food, clothes, and other resources.

According to legend, the members of this community are direct descendants of the Pandavas from the Hindu epic Mahabharata. Unfortunately, there are few historical references to the community, as much of this material is believed to have been destroyed by the Gurkhas during their invasion of Bushahr between 1803 and 1815. The project conducted in Kannaur interacted with locals and revealed that in ancient times, the district was part of the princely state of Bushahr, ruled by the Guge Empire until the 11th century, after which it was taken over by the Thakurs. In the 14th century, the Rajas usurped control, and their reign continued until India gained independence in 1947. After independence, Kinnaur became part of the Chini tehsil in the Mahasu district, but it was designated as a separate district in 1960.

The Kinnauri language is part of the Tibetan-Burmese dialect group. During the 2016 project, seven local dialects were identified: Kinnauri, Sunnami, Shumcho, Thabrskad, Jangrami, Orasukad, and Chamskad. Unfortunately, Kinnauri lacks its own script, hence it is documented using the Devanagari script. The language is not taught in schools and is rapidly declining in the region.

The Kinnauri people are traditionally agriculturists and shepherds. Initially, apples in the region were cultivated solely for personal consumption, but they are now increasingly being sold in the market. The locals also work as weavers, silversmiths, and wood carvers. Trade with Tibet was once a vital source of livelihood, but it diminished after the Sino-India war, leading to challenges for the people of Kinnaur.

The housing structures in Kinnaur are both charming and intriguing. The village gates, known as Konkani, are believed to protect against evil spirits and are primarily found in the upper Kinnaur villages. Traditionally, houses are constructed using the kath-kuni style, which combines stone and wood, giving them a rustic appearance. These homes are designed to be responsive to the climate; the kitchen is often the largest room, as temperatures can drop significantly in the region, and the fire is kept burning, serving as a gathering spot for family members.

The diet of the Kinnauri people now increasingly includes fruits and vegetables, as agricultural practices have shifted, enabling them to produce these foodstuffs locally. Kinnaur is renowned for its cultivation of apples, wild apricots, and particularly Chilgoza, or pine nuts, which naturally grow only in this region of India. Meat prepared in saltwater is a staple in their diet. For beverages, cha (salted tea) and rukh—a type of liquor made from apples, chuli, and jowar mixed with jaggery—are common household items.

For ages, locally woven fabrics have made up the community’s traditional attire, offering protection against harsh climatic conditions. During festivals, men wear a traditional outfit consisting of a chuba (a long white jacket) and sutan (white pajama). In everyday life, they opt for a grey coat paired with black or grey sutan. Women’s traditional attire includes a doru (woolen saree), a tomaksh (green jacket), and a topru challi (shawl). The laddi pattu, a special type of shawl, is woven specifically for brides. Other significant items of clothing include the thepang, a green cap, and the gachang, a waist belt. Nature plays an important role in the lives of the Kannaura people, which is reflected in the designs of their ornaments, often inspired by natural elements like flowers, the moon, and leaves.

The Kinnauri people primarily follow two religions: Lamaism and the indigenous Shu (devta) religion, both practiced in harmonious coexistence. Labrangs, or Buddhist monasteries, in the region can have one or many lamas, with the chief lama overseeing all religious activities. In 1992, the Dalai Lama conducted the Kalachakra, a complex teaching and ritual of Tibetan Buddhism, near Reckong Peo. Shu should not be mistaken for Hinduism, as the Kinnauris do not consider themselves Hindus. They worship their indigenous deities, do not follow religious scriptures, and have no tradition of chanting mantras. Nature and its elements also play a central role in their worship. Some locals believe their devis and devtas are followers of Lord Shiva.

Just as every village in Kinnaur has its own deity, each village also has a unique song that narrates its history and that of its deity. Women are expected to be well-versed in local folklore and are often called upon to sing these songs during special occasions and social gatherings. Both men and women participate in dances that accompany the songs. There are two main types of dances: Kayang, where men and women form a necklace-like formation, and Chashimag, in which dancers arrange themselves in a semi-circle. Traditional musical instruments like ranshik, kansal, nagada, dhol, kannal,shehnai, bugjal, and baam are played during religious ceremonies and festivals, mostly by the silversmith and goldsmith communities. Some festivals are dedicated to worshiping deities, while others honour ancestors. Notable festivals include Phulech, Dakhren, Sazo, and Budh Purnima.

This year (2024), the ICH Division embarked on a significant project, producing a one-hour documentary film titled ‘Ganga: A Love Beyond Reason’, which delves into the rich cultural heritage of key, yet lesser-known intangible cultural heritage aspects of districts spanning Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and West Bengal.
 
The film captures and documents these unique domains of ICH, showcasing the special cultural treasures and traditions along the Ganga River. These include indigenous knowledge systems, folklore, performing arts, oral history, fairs, festivals, crafts, and more. The documentary features:
 
●      Archaeological Sites and Historicity: Exploration of ancient sites and their historical context; Historians/Archaeologists perspectives
●      Stakeholders/Cultural practitioners’ perspectives
●      Pothi System: Traditional genealogy registers of Haridwar and Garhmukteshwar
●      Block Printing: Techniques of the Sadh community
●      Tabla Gharana of Farrukhabad: A distinguished school of tabla music
●      Kajri of Mirzapur: Traditional folk music
●      Carpet and Brassware industry of Mirzapur
●      Varanasi Aarti: The lesser-known aspects of the iconic worship ritual at the Ghats of Varanasi
●      Zari and Zardozi of Chandauli: Detailed embroidery styles
●      Manjusha Art: A traditional art form
●      Bhagalpuri weaving and sarees
●      Foodways: Culinary traditions along the Ganga River, in places like Kannauj, Varanasi, and Farukkhabad, among others,  as well as the sweets of Kolkata
●      Boatmaking: Traditional boat craftsmanship
 
‘Ganga: A Love Beyond Reason’ not only highlights these cultural practices but also emphasizes their significance and the urgent need for their documentation and preservation.  On the occasion of Ganga Dusshera, the film was screened in the multipurpose hall of INTACH, Delhi, and received much appreciation from the viewers present. The film has been uploaded on the following INTACH YouTube channel for a broader reach.

YouTube Link: https://youtu.be/LL9G4qBPqyU?si=jQVZffiDpDkXQ0Ry

The INTACH Nagaland Chapter conducted a project in 2017 aimed at documenting the intangible heritage of the Khiamniungan-Nagas. This project was authored by Sentila Y. Yanger, the State Convenor of the INTACH Nagaland Chapter.

The Khiamniungan-Nagas are one of the sixteen tribes of Nagaland, residing in the sub-divisional headquarters of Noklak within the Tuensang District. Interestingly, Noklak is a name derived from the colonial era; the tribespeople originally referred to the area as Thangyukiam. This small community is spread across only 42 villages in Nagaland, while a significantly larger population of the tribe lives in Myanmar, with 165 villages there. The shared histories and cultural connections with their counterparts in Myanmar are evident through ongoing cross-border trade, cultural exchanges, matrimonial alliances, and friendships that persist to this day.

The origin story of the Khiamniungan tribe remains unclear and difficult to trace due to a lack of written records. Most of the information available has been collected from oral traditions, folklore, and myths. The name Khiamniungan translates to “sources of great waters,” derived from Khiam (water), niu (big) gan (source). According to these oral traditions, only the Tsui and Lam clans existed when the tribe migrated from the mythical Khiamniungan. Today, there are four major clans: Tshui, Lam, Chio, and Meya. Various origin stories exist within the tribe; one claims that a great flood forced the people to seek shelter in the higher hills, while another myth states that the early ancestors emerged from a large opening in the ground, and upon reaching the surface, they declared that they were destined to be ‘above the open ground’.

The Khiamniungan dialect belongs to the Sino-Tibetan language. The Thang dialect, spoken in Noklak village, serves as the lingua franca for communication among the tribespeople. Before Christianization, the community practiced animism. Interestingly, the spread of Christianity has contributed to the Thang dialect’s current status. The conversion to Christianity began in 1947, and early efforts included translating the Bible into Thang. The language is also taught as a vernacular language in schools. Five other dialects share similarities with Thang, except for the distinct dialect of the Wuivillage.

The Morung-Kam serves as a distinctive space in the Khiamniungan villages. Access is restricted to males, specifically responsible adults, and women are strictly forbidden from entering. The Kam functioned as a command centre for strategic planning, where senior warriors taught tactics related to warfare and head-hunting to novices. It also served as a venue for disseminating administration, oral traditions, craft skills, and various subjects important to their lives. Similarly, the Pou Hoi functioned as a male dormitory, which women could enter only on special occasions when invited to dance. Boys typically entered the dormitory at age 15 and would remain until they married. However, the tradition of male dormitory culture no longer exists.

The marriage customs of the Khiamniungan tribes prohibit unions within the same clan or its subdivisions, as such relationships are considered incestuous. Intermarriage between the four major clans is allowed, although historically, marriages between the Shiu and Meya clans were restricted. Traditionally, weddings were simple affairs; a chicken would be prepared for the couple to share, and they would invite family and friends to celebrate. Today, marriages follow Christian rituals, but invitations are still extended to all friends and even casual acquaintances, a practice that remains unchanged. The role of shamans has diminished significantly due to Christianization, with only a subtle presence remaining today. In the past, shamans included both men and women, with male shamans referred to as Aepo or Musonand female shamans as Ainn or Aeniu. Shamanism and witchcraft practices were hereditary, passed down from father to son and mother to daughter.

Weaving is a skill exclusively practiced by women and is considered taboo for men. In the past, cotton was commonly used for weaving textiles, but the introduction of coloured yarn has largely replaced the traditional practice of growing cotton. Textiles are woven using backstrap looms or loin looms and are inspired by narratives that help identify the wearer’s origins, along with other indicators such as gender, social status achieved through merit feasts, and textiles for commoners. The Nokhu, Pathso and Pesu range of groups are recognised by the blue horizontal-colored bands in the male shawl and with white horizontal bands in the Tang and Pangsha groups. However, these traditional textiles are primarily worn during cultural events. The jewelry and ornaments worn by Khiamniungan women beautifully complement their traditional textiles. Women adorn themselves with multiple strands of yellow and orange glass beads of varying lengths, and they creatively incorporate natural elements like seeds, iridescent insect wings, and shells into their ornaments.

The tribe has lost many of its festivals due to the Christianization of the area, as some of its rituals were not in alignment with Christian doctrines. Nevertheless, a few festivals are still celebrated, including the Khaolsaose-Hoka festival, a post-harvest celebration held in January; the Miu festival in April, which signals the upcoming paddy sowing season; and the Yahpong Laang festival in June, where the two main khels (sectors) of the Shui and Lam clans take turns observing festivities at the village outskirts, leading to the new jhum fields.